Chapter 15
Program of Repatriation

The attainment of White America is not possible save by removing the Africans and excluding the Asiatic.

If the Asiatic of the Western States continue their rapid increase through their excessively high birth rates, it may be necessary to colonize the American Asiatic. The removal of the black man will not save us if we permit the yellow man to enter, nor will the exclusion of the yellow man save us if we permit the black man to remain. Those who favor the solution of one of the problems will be concerned in the solution of the other. These two great purposes go hand in hand, for any success in the meeting of one of the perils will have a reflex influence upon the meeting of the other. But it is the "black peril" rather than the "yellow peril," with which we are primarily concerned, and we will confine the program to those measures necessary to solve the Negro problem.

The program of repatriation should consist, in part, of temporary measures. In general, the temporary measures should insure the purity of the white race by prohibiting the intermarriage between members of the white race and those of any other race; the suppression of race friction, by concerted action on the part of leaders of both races; the opportunity for the Negro to maintain himself economically, though this work a hardship upon the white man; the education of the Negro, with special regard for the requirements of his future home.

The temporary measures are preparatory merely. They will not solve the Negro problem. The nation cannot continue part European and part African. The future holds before us either a white America, with its concomitant progress, or a mongrel America, with its decay of culture. Amalgamation or separation is the only solvent of the Negro problem.

The white man at his best progresses but slowly; mixed with the blood of the Negro, his offspring is below the creative level. No people partly black are able to compete with a people wholly white. These deductions are drawn from six thousand years of history, and are not speculations based upon chosen theories.

Within this generation America is to decide whether the future American is to be wholly white or partly colored; whether Caucasian institutions based upon Caucasian manhood are to be perpetuated or whether African and Asiatic blood, one or both, are to eventually qualify Caucasian possibilities. There are now eleven million Negroes in the United States. Our children shall confront twenty million. The Negro has increased as fast as the white since we became a nation. His relatively low position in the percentage of population in 1920, as compared with his numerical proportion in the entire population in 1820, has been determined mainly by the arrival of white immigrants.

Though mongrel America be in the distant future, yet it is the height of race insanity to ignore it because we shall not witness its consummation. If we fail to make America white when such attainment is possible, and bequeath to our children the burden of the black when that burden has assumed such proportions that they shall find it impossible to save race and culture, we are unworthy of our ancestors and will be a curse to our posterity. If we pity the living Negro and scorn the unborn white our race is doomed. Our children have the right to demand of us that they be born white in a white man's land. To deny this right, to ignore this elemental call of blood, stamps us as ungrateful for the past and unmindful of the future. It cannot be that we are willing to debase our descendants to secure ease for ourselves! This consciousness furnishes a basis for hope. When the fond parent asks himself if he is willing to leave in our midst the present number of Negroes and their future increase as an intolerable burden upon his own flesh and blood, he is conscious of an unwillingness that this be done. The future of our race and civilization depends upon the strength of the unwillingness and the manner of its manifestation.

Already part of our original America stock, and too, that part which has contributed most of our material greatness (the colonial stock in New England), is failing to reproduce itself in excess of its death rate. Within the past fifty years the whites of the agricultural south only have increased faster than the Negro. With the coming of the industrial era in the South it remains to be determined whether this increase will be maintained. Outside of the Southern States, the low birth rate existing among descendants of the colonials, if considered in relation to the Southern increase, will reduce the total increase of the colonial American to a percentage not greater than that of the Negro. We are recruiting from foreign whites who, if they are of high race stock, soon adapt themselves to the family standard of the American homes.

We cannot look forward to immigration to maintain the white man's proportion above the black, for America will eventually become congested and immigration assume immaterial proportions.

The creative element in our civilization is essentially Nordic. Upon this element our future, if it partakes of glory rather than abasement, depends. This element, derived from the capable people of Northern and Western Europe, constitutes an overwhelming proportion of our white inhabitants. But it is just this element of our population which is heading straight to that reproductive condition to which France has fallen and to which England is drawing near. France barely retains her numerical status; England's increase is slow and is ever growing less.

The recent great war was made certain by the "race suicide" of France and England in contrast to the great increase of the Germans. During the Franco-Prussian War (1870) the Germans numbered but three millions more than the French; now they number thirty millions more. The increase of the Germans drove France into the arms of her hereditary enemy; England. The world has given due credit to the Germans for the brilliancy of their intellect and the genius shown in their organization. However, the real source of the German preponderance, both in peace and war, is the excess fecundity of the German women over those of France and Great Britain.

The problem of the lack of increase of the inhabitants of white nations is not within the province of this treatise, but we shall have to take stock of the low birth rate of white Americans and the falling off of Nordic immigration to the United States in order to form judgment as to the necessity of repatriating the Negro. If the American white homes reach the French standard, which they are ever tending to do, this alone will make imperative the repatriation of the American Negro.

The program of repatriation will need to be founded upon a knowledge of its necessity. A survey of our situation will give this knowledge. The survey will reveal the Negro as an alien race which will forever prevent the attainment of our destinies as a Caucasian nation. His presence alone, though we could remain uncontaminated by his influence and blood admixture, will defeat our aims; but it is impossible to dwell with his future millions and remain free from his influence and his blood. Such knowledge as this is the first essential in the program of repatriation. We must realize the necessity of repatriating the Negro. If we do not have consciousness that repatriation is imperative, no effective steps will be taken to solve the problem which confronts us and neither our race nor its culture will survive. Believing that we shall continue to exclude the yellow race, we may definitely affirm that the increase of civilization or the decay of culture will result form the one way or the other that we solve the Negro problem. As we are not to exterminate the Negroes, we are to amalgamate our race with theirs or remove them to a separate location. Let us keep in mind Egypt, India, and a score of other analogous instances in which the white man has not survived contact with the colored, and civilization has not survive the white man.

We are, then, to secure knowledge of the history of the contact of the races and observe the results upon the white race of its long dwelling with the Negro. We are to apply this knowledge to our problem, and from such application determine measures that are necessary to enable us to escape the fate of other white peoples who have dwelt with the Negro.

Having knowledge of the past and of the present, we are then to devise some effective means of disseminating this knowledge. A few individuals may make available all the knowledge that is necessary; that is, the acquisition of the necessary knowledge may be the work of a few experts in ethnology taken in its widest sense. But how to get the majority, a constitutional majority, of white Americans to see and appreciate what the Negro problem has meant to the nation in the past, what it means at present, and still more, what it will mean in the future, is the difficulty before those who have given it sufficient attention to understand that delay makes solution difficult, and that too much delay will mean the impossibility of separating the races and will lead, ultimately, through the generations to come, to a Negroid America.

There are many men and women, capable and well prepared to carry on an agitation for the removal of the Negro, basing their arguments upon self-evident necessity. Those thus constituted for leadership in the agitation which must precede repatriation should supplement their knowledge by searching the authentic records bearing upon the contact of races and observing the results upon civilization when it is in contact with colored races. This supplementary source of information is more important than that knowledge which is acquired from local or contemporary sources, for it furnishes a view of our race in contact with the Negro throughout many centuries, and has the additional advantage of removing a vexed question out of the realm of sectionalism and prejudice.

Students of the Negro problem who are to aid in disseminating information upon the problem should not be content with less than the best arguments and the most forceful illustrations. This, then, constitutes another reason for seeking information beyond that obtainable from the history of North America, for here our persistive color line and bountiful Caucasian immigration tend to obscure the ineradicable issues involved in the contact of the races. We have remained white for three centuries, while other communities, once white, in this period, have become mongrel.

The practical operation of the color line debarks the Caucasian and the non-Caucasian. It is in this sense only that we may be said to have remained white. The non-white are on the other side of the color line. The fact that one-fourth of the so-called Negro population in reality have Caucasian blood in their veins, should teach us that the function of the color line is to prolong merely, not to perpetuate, Caucasian purity. Our danger from miscegenation is a slow and ill-appreciated danger. It is insidious, and we are lulled to a false sense of security. The prepared student will be able to make it clear that miscegenation is to be eventually a universal fact, but, that during the centuries intervening until a majority of Americans have Negro blood in their veins, we are not to escape the stress of race conflict; that turmoil will continue while amalgamation is in process. Culturally, our civilization will be qualified both extensively and intensively by the Negro's presence, but cultural progress will not cease until the Negro and the mixbreed, by reason of their numerical preponderance, attain practical sovereignty of the nation. (In order to illustrate the subsidence of civilized culture as result of, and in direct proportion to the rise of mixbreeds to sovereignty, read Latin America, by F. Garcia Calderon.)

Let the reader of this and other volumes dealing with our impending decay realize that it is the duty of every individual to do his share to avert the danger. Do not shift responsibility to others' shoulders. Agitate this question. Organize societies whole purpose it is to study the Negro problem in the light of history. Urge the necessity for action in public, in private, and in print. We are not fighting a war of extermination. Our solution of the problem will better the position of the Negro as well as make possible the continuation of the culture of the white.

The future is before us. We are bequeathing to posterity an ever increasing burden whose devitalizing influence will reach the source of progress and beneath which our civilization will not survive. Others have fought for a desire; we fight for a necessity. Others have sought to promote our civilization; we seek to make its continuation possible. If we do not make America white, we shall have proven false to race and institutions.

We have received a white heritage from our ancestors; shall we bequeath our posterity less? For countless centuries our race has been dominant among the peoples of the world, shall our children be counted among the mongrels? The white race nor its culture has ever survived prolonged contact with a colored race, shall America repeat, or shall America reverse history? We of this generation are to determine whether the American of the future is to be wholly white or partly black. The Negro problem is to be settled by the separation of the races or by the amalgamation of the races. There is no doubt as to the nation's ability to repatriate the Negro. Repatriation is possible! It is necessary! If we do not repatriate the Negro, our race will become Negroid and our culture will decay. If we do repatriate the Negro, our civilization is to increase, and our future belongs to God.